13. Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach*
A. IN FURTHERANCE OF THE NAZI CONSPIRACY, KRUPP CIRCUMVENTED
THE RESTRICTIONS IMPOSED BY THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES ON THE
REARMAMENT OF GERMANY. AS THE RESPONSIBLE HEAD OF THE HUGE
ARMAMENTS CONCERN, FRIED. KRUPP A.G., HE CONCEALED ITS
ARMAMENT ACTIVITY IN ORDER TO DECEIVE THE ALLIED
GOVERNMENTS. HE WAS THEREFORE, IN A POSITION TO PROMOTE THE
OBJECTIVES OF THE CONSPIRACY BY THE RAPID PRODUCTION OF
MUNITIONS OF WAR ON A HUGE SCALE AFTER THE CONSPIRATORS'
ACCESSION TO POWER.
In an article entitled “Manager and Armament Worker” written
for the 1 March 1942 issue of the Krupp magazine, Krupp
stated:
“*** I knew German history well, and out of my
experiences in the rest of the world I believed to know
the German kind; therefore I never doubted that,
although for the time being all indications were
against it, one day a change would come. How, I never
knew or asked, but I believed in it. But with this
knowledge — and today I may speak about these things
and for the first time I am doing this extensively and
publicly — with this, as responsible head of the Krupp
works, consequences of the greatest importance had to
be taken. If Germany should ever be reborn, if it
should shake off the chains of Versailles one day, the
Krupp concern had to be prepared again. ***”
“*** I wanted and had to maintain Krupp, in spite of
all opposition, as an armament plant for the later
future, even if in camouflaged form. I could only speak
in the smallest, most intimate circles about the real
reasons which made me undertake the changeover of the
plants for certain lines of production for I had to
expect that many people would not understand me, ***”
*Since the name of Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach was
severed from the Nurnberg trial which commenced on 20
November 1945, the trial brief outlining the case against
Krupp, which was prepared before his severance, was not
presented to the Tribunal. Despite his personal absence from
the prisoners' dock, however, Krupp remained technically
still under indictment and liable to prosecution in
subsequent proceedings. Moreover Krupp was still regarded by
the prosecution as a member of the Nazi conspiracy. The
following summary of evidence, adapted from the trial brief,
is included here in order to show the role played by Krupp
as co-conspirator.
[Page 775]
“Without arousing any commotion, the necessary measures
and preparations were undertaken. Thus to the surprise
of many people Krupp began to manufacture goods which
really appeared to be far distant from the former work
of an armament plant. Even the Allied snooping
commissions were duped. Padlocks, milk cans, cash
registers, track repair machines, trash carts and
similar 'small junk' appeared really unsuspicious and
even locomotives and automobiles made an entirely
'civilian' impression.
“After the accession to power of Adolf Hitler I had the
satisfaction of being able to report to the Fuehrer
that Krupps stood ready, after a short warming-up
period, to begin the rearmament of the German people
without any gaps of experience — the blood of the
comrades of KAR. Saturday 1923 had not been shed in
vain. Since that time I was often permitted to
accompany the Fuehrer through the old and new workshops
and to experience how the workers of Krupp cheered him
in gratitude. In the years after 1933 we worked with an
incredible intensity and when the war did break out the
speed and results were again increased. We are all
proud of having thus contributed to the heretofore
magnificent successes of our army.”
*******
“I have always considered it to be an honor as well as
an obligation to be the head of an arms factory and I
know that the employees of Krupp share these feelings.
Thanks to the educational work of the National
Socialist Government this is the case all over Germany.
I know that the things I have said here about the
armament worker in particular hold true for every
German worker. With these men and women who work-for
the cause with all their hearts, with cool heads and
skilled hands we will master every fate.” (D-94; see D-
64) .
In a memorandum of a conference held on 9 December 1942,
concerning the proposed publication of a book dealing with
Krupp’s armament activities, Von Bulow, confidential
secretary Krupp, wrote:
“For the period of transition from 1919 up to
rearmament, A. K. [Krupp] had undertaken various tasks
in order to keep up the Company’s activity in the field
of artillery, in the sense of observing activities in
that field in the rest of the world (relation: BOFORS)
and then also for the production of artillery material,
within and to a certain extent also be-
[Page 776]
yond, the limitation established by the peace dictate'
(D-249 ).
[Page 776]
B. AFTER, THE CONSPIRATORS' ACCESSION TO POWER, KRUPP LENT
HIS INFLUENCE, PRESTIGE, AND FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO THE
CONSOLIDATION OF THEIR CONTROL OVER THE GERMAN STATE.
(1) With knowledge of the aims and purposes of the Nazi
conspiracy, he sought to reorganize the Reich Association of
German Industry, of which he was Chairman, so as to bring it
into line with the aims of the conspirators and to make it
an effective instrument for the execution of their policies.
(a) Upon the invitation of Goering (D-201), Krupp attended a
meeting in Berlin on 20 February 1933, during which Hitler,
in a speech to a select group of industrialists, announced
the conspirators' aims to seize totalitarian control over
Germany, to destroy the parliamentary system, to crush all
opposition by force, and to restore the power of the
Wehrmacht. In the course of this speech, Hitler stated:
“Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of
Democracy; it is conceivable only if the people have a
sound idea of authority and personality. *** Life
always tears up humanity. It is therefore the noblest
task of a Leader to find ideals that are stronger than
the factors that pull the people apart. I recognized
even while in the hospital that one had to search for
new ideas conducive to reconstruction. I found them in
Nationalism, in the value of personality, in the denial
of reconciliation between nations, in the strength and
power of individual personality. *** If one rejects
pacifism, one must put a new idea in its place
immediately. Everything must be pushed aside, must be
replaced by something better.”
“*** We must not forget that all the benefits of
culture must be introduced more or less with an iron
fist, just as once upon a time the farmers were forced
to plant potatoes. For all this, however, courage, and
iron will and perseverance are essential.”
“*** With the very same courage with which we go to
work to make up for what had been sinned during the
last 14 years, we have withstood all attempts to move
us off the right way. We have turned down the favour
(benevolence) of the Catholic Centre Party [Zentrum] to
tolerate us.
[Page 777]
Hugemberg has too small a movement. He has only
considerably slowed down our development. We must first
gain complete power if we want to crush the other side
completely. While still gaining power one should not
start the struggle against the opponent. Only when one
knows that one has reached the pinnacle of power, that
there is no further possible upward development, shall
one strike. ***”
“Now we stand before the last election. Regardless of
the outcome there will be no retreat, even if the
coming election does not bring about a decision. One
way or another, if the election does not decide, the
decision must be brought about even by other means. I
have intervened in order to give the people once more
the chance to decide their fate by themselves. This
determination is a strong asset for whatever must
possibly happen later. Does the election bring no
result, well, Germany won’t go to ruin. Today, as never
before, everyone is under the obligation to pledge
himself to success. The necessity to make sacrifices
has never been greater than now. For Economy I have the
one wish that it go parallel with the internal
structure to meet a calm future. The question of
restoration of the Wehrmacht will not be decided at
Geneva, but in Germany, when we have gained internal
strength through internal peace. *** There are only two
possibilities, either to crowd back the opponent on
constitutional grounds, and for this purpose once more
this election or a struggle will be conducted with
other weapons, which may demand greater sacrifices. I
would like to see them avoided. I hope the German
people thus recognize the greatness of the hour. It
shall decide over the next 10 or probably even 100
years. It will become a turning point in German
history, to which I pledge myself with glowing energy.”
(D-203).
At this same meeting, Goering declared that the impending
election of 5 March 1933 would certainly be the last one for
the next 10 years, and probably even for the next 100 years
(D-203).
In a memorandum dated 22 February 1933 describing this
meeting, Krupp wrote that he had expressed to Hitler the
gratitude of approximately 25 industrialists present for the
clear expression of his views and emphasized, on behalf of
all present, that it was time to clarify the political
situation in Germany (D-204).
(b) On 25 April 1933, Krupp, as Chairman of the Reich
Association of German Industry (Reichsverbandes der
Deutschen In-
[Page 778]
dustrie) submitted to Hitler his plan for the reorganization
of German industry and in connection therewith, undertook to
bring the Association into line with the aims of the
conspirators and to make it an effective instrument for the
execution of their policies.
1. In the letter of transmittal, Krupp stated that his
plan of reorganization was characterized by the desire
to coordinate “economic measures and political
necessity, adopting the Fuehrer’s conception of the New
German State” (D-157).
2. In the plan of reorganization itself Krupp stated:
“The turn of political events is in line with the
wishes which I myself and the Board of Directors
have cherished for a long time. I am convinced
that, under the threat of the impoverishment of
our people, the machinery of government must be
simplified to the utmost. For the same reason I
did not fail to recognize a long time ago the
necessity of rationalizing our economic system.
“Convinced that the opportunity of the hour must
not be missed to obtain the best for our economic
system, I am employing the authority bestowed upon
me by the Presiding Council to carry out a double
task: --
1. In the negotiations with the Reichschancellor
and his representatives I shall make it my goal to
coordinate, in the field of organization of
industrial associations, the economically
reasonable with the politically necessary.
2. In reorganizing the Reich Association of German
Industry I shall be guided by the idea of bringing
the new organization into agreement with the-
political aims of the Reich Government and at the
same time to make it so rational and forceful that
it can be an effective instrument of industrial
enterprise, according to the relative importance
of the industry.” (D-167)
(c) In a speech delivered on 18 October 1933, on the
occasion of the first meeting of the Committee for
Industrial and Social policy of the Reich Association of
German Industry, Krupp reaffirmed his aim to bring the
Association into complete accord with the political goals of
the Nazi government and stated, inter alia:
[Page 779]
“ *** To have united the purposes of an entire Nation,
is the great historical achievement of the man in whose
strong hands our President has placed the fate of our
people. When Reichschancellor and Fuehrer Adolf Hitler
called the General Council of Economy together for the
first time on the 20th of September, I had the honor to
thank him for the confidence which he had put in the
men of the practical business world by calling them to
the General Council. I pledged to him unrestrained
support in his Government in its exceedingly difficult
task from all branches and organizations of Economy.
“I may repeat now what I said then: 'The unshakable
faith of our Reichschancellor and Fuehrer in the future
of our people gives-also to the men of business the
courage and the strength to put everything in the
reconstruction of a healthy National Economy in a
strong National State under National Socialist
leadership'.
“You, too, gentlemen, if I am certain of your
confidence, are bound to this pledge. It holds in
itself, for all of us, the deeply felt obligation to be
the guarantors for the unconditional execution of the
Fuehrer’s will in all links and branches of Industry.
May the spirit of devotion to duty which inspires us
always dominate this Committee’s conferences!
“I ask you, gentlemen, to rise and to join me in the
toast: To the venerable President of the German Reich,
General Fieldmarshal Von Hindenburg and the German
People’s Chancellor and Fuehrer, Adolf Hitler: 'Sieg
Heil'.” (D-353)
(2) Krupp organized, sponsored, and made substantial
financial contributions to the Hitler Fund (Hitler Spende),
with knowledge that the funds were to be used to further the
objectives of the SA and SS.
(a) In a letter to Schacht dated 30 May 1933, Krupp wrote:
“As Dr. Hoettgen and I had the opportunity of
mentioning to you yesterday, it is proposed to initiate
a collection in the most far-reaching circles of German
industry, including agriculture and the banking world,
which is to be put at the disposal of the Fuehrer of
the NSDAP in the name of 'The Hitler Fund', which would
replace collections in many cases separately organized
of the various NSDAP organizations and the Stahlhelm.
It has been decided to appoint a management council for
this central collection; I have accepted the
chairmanship of the management council at the unanimous
request of the principal federations, inspired by the
wish to
[Page 780]
collaborate with my full strength in this task which is
to be a symbol of gratitude to the Fuehrer of the
nation.” (D-151)
(b) A circular written by Hess in August 1933, which was
found among Krupp’s files, specifically states that one of
the purposes of the Hitler Fund is “to put at the disposal
of the Reich leadership the funds required for the unified
execution of the tasks which fall to the lot of the SA, SS,
ST, HJ, political organizations etc.” (D-151).
In a letter dated 15 August 1934, from Lutze, Chief of Staff
of the SA, which was found among Krupp’s papers, authority
was granted, with the approval of the Deputy Fuehrer, to
Gauleiter Terboven to use a special part of the year's
Hitler Fund in the interest of the SA in the Ruhr district
(D-368).
(c) From the inception of the Hitler Fund until the collapse
of Germany, the Fried. Krupp Cast Steel Works in Essen (main
company in the Krupp organization) alone contributed
4,738,446 marks to that fund (D-325; the above figure is the
total amount shown on the chart, not here reproduced*). This
assistance to the Hitler Fund was supplemented by large
contributions made by the other Krupp companies.
(3) Krupp, both privately and through the Krupp firm, made
substantial contributions to the Nazi Party and affiliated
organizations.
(a) For contributions by Fried. Krupp Cast Steel Works in
Essen, see D-325.
(b) In June 1935, Krupp contributed 100,000 marks to the
Nazi Party out of his personal account (D-332; D-373).
(4) In numerous public addresses, Krupp supported the
measures adopted by the conspirators in the execution of
their program.
(a) In a speech urging every German to approve Germany's
withdrawal from the disarmament conference and the League of
Nations, Krupp
“*** Just as the 5th of March brought about the change
from chaos to order, from disgrace to honor in domestic
policy so, on November 12, the unanimous “Yes” of the
German people concerning the foreign policy of the
Reich Government, shall and must give ample proof to
the entire world that every citizen who is worthy of
the German name, stands uncondi-
*This and subsequent similar charts have been omitted from
this publication because of their length and complexity, and
the relative unimportance of the issue for which they have
been cited.
[Page 781]
tionally behind the Reich Government as led by the
Reich Chancellor, and its foreign policy which is
dictated by the commandment of self-respect.”
*******
“*** When the radio broadcasts the results of the
People’s Election on the evening of November 12, the
entire world must know that: Germany stands in the camp
of Adolf Hitler.” (D-393).
(b) In a speech delivered on 26 January 1934, Krupp
expressed approval of the leadership principle in industrial
relations, under which the entrepreneur became the leader
and the workers became his followers. In the course of this
speech he said: “National-Socialism has liberated the German
worker from the clutches of a doctrine which was basically
hostile both for employer and employee. Adolf Hitler has
returned the worker to his nation; he has made of him a
disciplined soldier of labor and therefore our comrade.
When, on the other hand, the new State awards to the
enterpriser the role of leader in economy and labor, then we
know that: Leadership has obligation !
“The enterpriser and his leading officers are the
trustees for the material welfare of our people.” (D-
392).
(c) In a speech delivered on 10 August 1934, in connection
with the plebiscite to approve Hitler’s dual appointment as
president and chancellor after Hindenburg’s death, Krupp
said:
“Let us all follow him now also, our Leader, our Reich
— and People’s Chancellor.
“In an exceptionally short time he has eliminated the
quarrel between parties, has guaranteed unity to the
Reich and has assured to every German pride to work,
has brought the opportunity for work to the near
future. On 19 August all our votes borne of deep trust
and proven confidence shall go to the man acclaimed by
those hearts of many thousands and millions who cannot,
because of their age, go to the polls but who daily
join us, who are permitted to vote, in the Cry:
Heil Hitler!” (D-86).
(d) In a speech dated 27 October 1935, Krupp stated:
“*** Our thoughts fly therefore by themselves in this
festive hour of our plant community, to the man whom we
thank for the ressurection of our Nation: Adolf Hitler,
the patron of German labour and German art. Unanimously
we will confess and pledge ourselves to stand behind
the
[Page 782]
Fuehrer and his movement today and forever and thereby
to be of service to the idea of eternal Germany.” (D-
385)
(e) In a speech dated 1 May 1936, after the Nazis had
reoccupied and fortified the Rhineland, Krupp stated:
“No greater recognition, no greater incentive to
further common work accomplishment could have been
given us than was done through the visit of our Fuehrer
on March 27th of this year to our works and through his
addresses from here. ***”
“Never has a statesman fought for the soul of his
people and for its wellbeing with such faith, such
ardor, such endurance. We shall never forget how deeply
we are indebted to him. *** I only mention here the
abolition of the parties and the unification of the
people, the regaining of the sovereignty in the
Rhineland, the extensive abolition of unemployment, the
accomplishments of the labour service, the magnificent
public buildings, the roads, bridges and canals. ***.
*******
“The world will have to get used to the fact that the
voice of the Fuehrer is the voice of the whole German
people. ***.
“Jubileers and co-workers! We shall be thankful to fate
that we were and are permitted to be eye and action
witnesses of the great turning point in our German
history, and we shall thank especially the divine
destiny that it has presented us with a man like Adolf
Hitler. Let us then combine all that which moves our
hearts upon mention of this name into the cry: Our
people and fatherland and its great Fuehrer Adolf
Hitler
Sieg Heil!” (D-291).
[Page 782]
C. UNDER KRUPP’s DIRECTION, THE KRUPP FIRM, BY DEVELOPING
NEW INSTRUMENTS OF WAR AND PRODUCING HUGE QUANTITIES OF WAR
MATERIALS, FURTHERED THE CONSPIRATORS' PROGRAM TO CREATE A
POWERFUL MILITARY POTENTIAL.
(1) In a speech prepared in January 1944, for delivery at
the University of Berlin, Krupp stated:
“*** I don’t see why this thought still flutters in
many a head occasionally — that the production of war
materials should be a sinister trade! No: war material
is life-saving for one’s own people and whoever works
and performs in
[Page 783]
these spheres can be proud of it; here enterprise as a
whole finds its highest justification of existence.
This justification I may inject this here --
crystallized especially during that time of the
'Interregnum', between 1919 and 1933, when Germany was
lying-down disarmed. *** It is the one great merit of
the entire German war economy that it did not remain
idle during those bad years, even though its activity
could not be brought to light for obvious reasons.
Through years of secret work, scientific and basic
ground work was laid, in order to be ready again to
work the German Armed Forces at the appointed hour,
without loss of time or experience.”
“Only through this secret activity of German
enterprise, together with the experience gained
meanwhile through production of peace time goods was it
possible after 1933, to fall into step with the new
tasks arrived at restoring Germany’s military power,
(only through all that) could the entirely new and
various problems, brought up by the Fuehrer’s Four
Year’s Plan for German enterprise, be mastered. ***” (D-
317)
(2) Krupp played a leading role in the design and production
of new weapons for the German armed forces.
(a) In a memorandum concerning a conference held at the
Federal Ministry for National Defense in Vienna on 25
September 1936, Pfirsch, a Krupp official, wrote:
“*** in spite of the obstacles put in our way by the
Treaty of Versailles, we had never been inactive
throughout the postwar period, but had drawn upon the
experience of the war in the creation of new types, and
that we had won the prizes for almost every type in the
competitions organized by our War Ministry for the
construction of new artillery weapons, so much so that
the guns introduced into the German Army of to-day,
such as the 8.8 cm. anti-aircraft, the 10.5 cm. field
gun, the heavy field howitzer and beyond them the
larger calibres have been made according to our
pattern.” (D-152)
(b) In a memorandum dated 21 February 1944, Woelfert, a
department chief in the Krupp concern, wrote:
“First a few facts about the development of tanks by
Krupp. We are manufacturing tanks since 1928, which
means before rearmament. We started studying on heavy
tractors. Krupp built the first mass production tank,
the Panzer I, which is
[Page 784]
also known as LaS. It-was shown in public in 1935, the
year when rearmament started, and made a great
impression. We also originated the Panzer IV, or better
the BW, which was especially at the beginning of the
war one of the prime factors in our rapid advances into
enemy country, so that today we are fighting on the
Atlantic coast, in the South, and east and not on
German soil. Even today we use the BW-base for many
self-propelled guns, assault-guns, anti-aircraft guns
etc.” (D-96).
(c) In a letter to Hitler dated 24 July 1942, Krupp wrote:
“My Fuehrer !
“The big weapon, whose manufacturing is to be thanked
to your command, has now proved its effectiveness. ***”
“True to an example set by Alfred Krupp in 1870, my
wife and myself ask the favour that the Krupp works
refrain from charging for this first finished product.
“To express my thanks to you, my Fuehrer, for the
confidence shown in our plants and in us personally by
entrusting such an order with us, is a pleasant duty
for my wife and myself.
Sieg Heil!” (D-375)
(d) Krupp likewise made significant contributions to the
production of Navy weapons and U-Boats (D-88; D-287).
(3) The rapid and progressive expansion in armament
production by Krupp after the conspirators' accession to
power is plainly shown by a chart prepared by Krupp
officials concerning the production of war materials at the
Krupp Gustahlfabrik in Essen (only one of the many companies
in the Krupp organization). This chart shows that the
production of war materials at that particular factory
during the fiscal year, 1 October 1933 to 30 September 1934,
was more than twice that of any previous year since 1929;
that such production during the fiscal year, 1 October 1934
to 30 September 1935, was almost twice as great as the
previous year; and that production of war materials
continued thereafter at an accelerated rate with the result
that during the fiscal year, 1 October 1938 to 30 September
1939, it was more than 10 times as great as it was during
the period 1 October 1932 to 30 September 1933 (Chart
entitled “Fried, Krupp Gustahlfabrik Essen, Turnover in War
Material,” not reproduced here). It should be noted that
this chart shows only direct sales by the Essen factory of
war materials to the German Armed Forces Ordnance Supply
Department and sales to foreign countries of war materials
easily recognizable as such. It does not
[Page 785]
cover indirect sales, viz: the sale of products to other
concerns which, in turn, used them to produce materials of
war. (The chart entitled “Fried, Krupp and Branch
Establishments, Inland Turnover,” not here reproduced, shows
figures which include “indirect” sales of war materials by
certain Krupp companies.)
[Page 785]
D. KRUPP GOVERNED THE EXPORTS OF HIS FIRM IN THE LIGHT OF
THE MILITARY REQUIREMENTS OF THE NAZI CONSPIRATORS AND THE
ACCEPTED AND DISCHARGED IMPORTANT ADMINISTRATIVE
RESPONSIBILITIES IN FURTHERANCE OF THE CONSPIRATORS' PROGRAM
OF ECONOMIC MOBILIZATION FOR WAR.
(1) In a “strictly confidential” memorandum dated 25 March
1941, the following was reported:
“*** The liberation of the Reich from the shackles of
Versailles enabled Krupp to recommence the export of
armaments. The German Government had, in fact, pressed
for the matter. Military-political and Military-
economic reasons were the cause. Krupp desired to come
into the closest contact with the armament exports, so
as to further the development of arms ***”
*******
“*** By using all the forces at his [Krupp's] disposal
and regardless of effort, costs and risk, considerable
export contracts were secured, which served to obtain
foreign currency or raw materials, and were, at the
same time, politically desirable. ***” (D-191)
In a memorandum dated 23 June 1937, concerning a Bulgarian
order for armour plating which was discussed with German
Army representatives, Reiff, a Krupp official, wrote:
“Major Olbrich showed himself aware quite evidently of
the deeper reasons existing why Germany was anxious
that this order should be booked. ***” (D-154)
(2) At the request of the Inspector of War Production, Krupp
me a Leader of War Production in 1937, and was charged with
the responsibility of preparing and carrying out the
mobilization of the armament industry and of directing it in
time of war.
(a) In a “strictly confidential” letter dated 21 January
1937, the Inspector of War Production wrote to Krupp:
“The-Reich Minister for War and the Supreme Commander
of the Armed Forces has ordered that a Corps of
Economic
[Page 786]
Leaders of War Production be recruited with immediate
effect.
“The Economic Leaders of War Production in
collaboration with the Armed Forces, are to be
responsible for the preparing and carrying out of the
mobilization of the armament industry and for directing
it in time of war.”
*******
“A selected small circle of these persons is to act in
an advisory capacity to the Armed Forces in all
important economic questions both during peace and war.
“Subject to your approval, I intend to propose to the
Reich Minister for War that you should be nominated as
Economic Leader for War Production.” (D-62)
(b) In connection with his acceptance of the position of
Leader of War Production, Krupp submitted a “secret”
document entitled, “Declaration of Political Attitude,”
dated 6 February 1937, in which he stated:
“I herewith declare that I stand by the National
Socialist conception of the State without reserve and
that I have not been active in any way against the
interests of the people.
*******
“I am aware that should I say or do anything which
constitutes an attack against the National Socialist
conception of the State, I must expect, in addition to
legal proceedings, my dismissal from the post of
Economic Leader of War Production.” (D-63).
[Page 786]
E. KRUPP SUPPORTED THE CONSPIRATORS' PROPAGANDA PROGRAM;
LENT HIS ORGANIZATION TO THE DISSEMINATION OF NAZI
PROPAGANDA ABROAD; AND USED HIS EMPLOYEES IN ESPIONAGE
ACTIVITIES IN FURTHERANCE OF THE AIMS AND PURPOSES OF THE
NAZI CONSPIRACY.
(1) In April 1933, Krupp contributed 20,000 marks to
Rosenberg for the purpose of counteracting anti-Nazi
propaganda abroad. In a letter to Krupp dated 26 April 1933,
Rosenberg said:
“Once more my most cordial thanks for not having
shunned the inconvenience of the journey in order to
participate at yesterday’s intimate conference. I am
glad to determine, on the basis of our discussion, that
you too welcome the organ-
[Page 787]
ization of an active counter-action abroad, in the
interest of State and Economy, and express to you the
highest thanks for the support of a monetary kind as
well, which you have subscribed to our work. Very
shortly a quantity of material will be sent to you
promptly and will subsequently be distributed
throughout the world in a comprehensive compilation. (D-
158; see also D-208 and D-242)
(2) In a memorandum dated 12 October 1939, entitled
"Distribution of Official Propaganda Literature Abroad with
the Help of our foreign Connections,” concerning a visit by
a Mr. Lackmann of Ribbentrop’s private foreign office, Von
Raussendorff, a Krupp official,
“I informed Mr. L. that our Firm had put itself years
ago at the disposal of official Bureaus for purposes of
foreign propaganda and that we had supported all
requests addressed to us to the utmost. *** Only by
personal handling can our connections abroad be used
and kept receptive to effective propaganda. With the
present lively activity of the Secret Service' it must
be avoided, not only in the interest of our firm but
also in the interest of Germany as a whole, that our
agents in neutral foreign countries would come through
improper handling to the attention of the Secret
Service' and economically ruined by it within a short
“*** If additional distributions of propaganda
literature were desired, a propaganda-leaflet should be
sent to us and after examining it, we would advise the
official Bureau what quantity of such printed matter
could be mailed abroad through us, at our expense, as
heretofore.” (D-206)
(3) In a memorandum dated 14 October 1937, concerning a
visit by Menzel of the Intelligence Office of the Combined
Services Ministry, Sonnenberg, a Krupp official, wrote:
“*** Menzel asked for intelligence on foreign armament
(but not including matters published in newspapers)
received by Krupp from their agents abroad and through
other channels to be passed on a Combined Services
Intelligence [Abwehrabteilung des RKM.]. ***”
“On our part we undertook to supply information to the
Combined Ministry [RKM] as required.” (D-167)
The results of a later visit by Menzel, in the company of
Kapitaen zur See Globig, of the Information Department,
Naval Armaments Branch, are reported in a memorandum dated
25
[Page 788]
June 1939 by Dr. Conn, a Krupp official. In the course of
this memorandum, which is entitled “Intelligence and
Information,” Dr. Conn stated:
“1. Kapitaen zur See Globig whom I had known for a long
time, spoke to me quite frankly and openly. It is
therefore impossible to embody parts of our discussion
in this report.”
*******
“Similarly to Kapitaen zur See Globig he [Menzel]
stressed the point that in view of the progressive
disappearance of public and easily accessible sources
of information, the information obtained through our
representatives abroad was of increasing value. This
method of obtaining intelligence would have to be
followed up much more drastically than in the past.”
*******
“His [Menzel's] third point was a request to utilize
foreign visitors for obtaining intelligence. I replied
that this was being done already, but that it was
necessary to proceed very carefully, to avoid arousing
suspicion on the part of the visitors.”
“I gave him to understand that we were slightly
disappointed with the collaboration with Intelligence
[Abwehr Abteilung] since we had supplied information,
but had received none in return. Menzel explained that
Intelligence was only a collating centre and that they
were merely passing on information, the value of which
they were unable to judge by themselves, to the
departments concerned; any information for us would
therefore have to come from those departments only.
Exceptions were only made in the case of intelligence
of universal importance such as e.g. the long range gun
[Ferngeschuetz] some time ago.”
“This remark is important concerning the way in which
we should present our information at Berlin. The
departments receiving the information through
Intelligence, must be able to see that it originates
from Krupp, so that they might feel themselves under
obligation to let us have some information in return.”
(D-167)
In a memorandum marked “secret,” relating to foreign anti-
aircraft guns, Sonnenberg wrote on 8 May 1939:
“I have gained the impression that from no other side
do the respective Army departments get such far
reaching support
[Page 789]
in their investigation of foreign armaments as from Fr.
Krupp.” (D-170).
[Page 789]
F. KRUPP PUBLICLY APPROVED THE SUCCESSIVE CRIMES AGAINST THE
PEACE PERPETRATED BY THE NAZI CONSPIRATORS.
(1) In a speech dated 6 April 1938, shortly after
Schuschnigg had been compelled to capitulate to the Nazi
conspirators' threat of force, Krupp stated:
“At our family party, today as well, our first thought,
our first glass, is raised in deep appreciation to our
Fuehrer. We are still under the lasting impression of
the mighty happenings of the last four weeks; so are
those of us who until a short time ago were forced to
wait impatiently for these developments outside our
State frontiers. To the fulfillment of century-old
dreams consciously arrived at, to the fulfillment of
the life-long wish of Adolf Hitler — thanks to his
faith, thanks to his determination, thanks to his
heart, to him, our Fuehrer, a threefold, deeply
thankful,
Sieg Heil.” (D-391).
(2) In a speech dated 7 April 1938, Krupp, in urging all
Germans in the impending election of 10 April to approve
Hitler’s invasion of Austria, stated:
“Three more days separate us from the day of the
Plebiscite to which our Fuehrer calls us, from the
Plebiscite concerning Greater Germany, at the same time
a Plebiscite in which the proof of faith in our Fuehrer
concerns every individual’s conscience.
“Full with thanks for what Adolf Hitler has bestowed
and secured for the German people in little more than
five years' leadership through internal and external
peace he is worth of the deepest felt 'Yes' from
everyone of us!
“To him, our Fuehrer and Chancellor a threefold
Sieg Heil!” (D-387)
(3) In a speech delivered on 13 October 1938, on the
occasion of Hitler’s visit to the Krupp works after the Nazi
occupation of the Sudetenland, Krupp said:
“To be able to greet you at the Krupp Works, in our
home, in the name of my wife and my own, as well as in
the name of those close to me and also in that of the
greater plant
[Page 790]
family, so shortly after the world-shaking events of
the last weeks, is a great honor and a heart-felt joy
to me.
“Perhaps no plant and no home can feel more deeply and
more gratefully than ours the changes in the last
decades; none can be more proudly conscious to be
allowed to participate in the mighty tasks set by
“Before us stands now the basic and undeniable world
encircling success, in its total extent perhaps not
fully grasped, which your faith and strong will, your
nerves and your initiative have achieved.
“May no German ever forget how deeply gratitude
therefore put us under obligation, how proud we may be
to be recognized once more in the world as a free,
equal, great German People.
“With the thanks of my family, of our plants, of our
entire Ruhr District filled with the urge to work, I
must express united gratitude, springing from a full
warm heart, from the Sudeten District which is now a
part of the German Reich.”
*******
“Heil to Thee, my Fuehrer.” (D-304)
(4) Shortly after the conspirators launched their aggression
-against Poland, Krupp stated to the workers in his plant:
“The Fuehrer has made his decision, not lightheartedly
but in the consciousness of responsibility to his
people, to the entire future of the German Nation — we
have all heard that in his Reichstag speech last
Friday.”
“A hard struggle, perhaps hardly appreciated to its
fullest extent, lies before us. The entire German
Nation must face this test of fire in unshakable unity,
young or old, man or woman, everyone must and will do
his duty at his post, do more than just what his duty
demands and devote his entire strength to the task
assigned to him. Therefore let us also, as Krupp
Members remain determined. May God protect our Fuehrer
and our people!” (D-363)
(5) In a speech dated 6 May 1941, commemorating the
successes of the Nazi
aggression in the West, Krupp stated:
“The one who, like myself, had the chance to visit and
thoroughly inspect during the last weeks the fields
where our superb troops made the breakthrough in the
West --
[Page 791]
“who could hear on that occasion the roar of our
Airforce against England --
“who witnessed how our U-boats and speedboats
distinguished themselves against the remains of
England’s sea-might --
“such a person is bound to be thankfully proud to be
able to contribute through his labours to assure to our
fighters the weapons which they need for their battle -
-
“such a person is and remains devotedly and
respectfully conscious that the nicest machines, the
most effective instruments mean little, no, nothing,
without the complete unselfish and trusting share of
the individual, whose trust is assured through his
knowledge of, and his faith in, the genius of his
Fuehrer, who embodies the worth of the German people,
their honor and might. To him, our Fuehrer, we direct
also in this hour in the Spring month of May our
thoughts, renew our solemn oath, present our heartiest
-wishes and give thanks to
“Adolf Hitler — Sieg Heil !” (D-390)
[Page 791]
G. KRUPP AS HEAD OF THE KRUPP CONCERN, IN FURTHERANCE OF THE
COMMON PLAN TO EXPLOIT THE PEOPLE OF OCCUPIED COUNTRIES AND
PRISONERS OF WAR, WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR COMPELLING PERSONS
FORCIBLY DEPORTED FROM OCCUPIED COUNTRIES AND PRISONERS OF
WAR TO WORK AGAINST THEIR WILL AND WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT IN
THE MANUFACTURE OF ARMS AND MUNITIONS. THESE ACTS AND
PRACTICES WERE CONTRARY TO ARTICLES 6 AND 52 OF THE HAGUE
REGULATIONS, 1907, TO ARTICLE 31 OF THE PRISONERS OF WAR
CONVENTION (GENEVA 1929), THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAR, AND
TO ARTICLES '6(b) AND 6(c) OF THE CHARTER.
(1) Charts marked “secret” have been found which show the
number and nationalities of prisoners of war and foreign
workers employed in each of the workshops in the Fried.
Krupp Cast Steel Works at Essen, for the period from
December 1940 to February 1945. These charts, when read in
conjunction with an affidavit by a Krupp official concerning
the materials produced in the various Essen workshops,
reveal that French and Russian prisoners of war and slave
laborers from virtually every country occupied by Germany
were used in the production of arms
[Page 792]
and munitions. Thus, they were compelled to work in
departments engaged in the construction of turrets for tanks
and carriages for heavy Army and Navy guns; the assembling
of marine gun turrets, 10.5 cm. marine guns, and 15 cm.
torpedo-boat guns; the manufacture of crankshafts for S-
boats and aeroplanes, etc. (Charts and affidavit relating to
production in the workshops of Fried. Krupp Cast Steel Works
by prisoners of war and foreign workers, not here
reproduced.) Affidavits of workers in the Krupp workshops
afford added proof that prisoners of war and foreign
laborers were used by Krupp in the manufacture of arms and
munitions (see D-253, D-265, D-279).
(2) The prisoners of war and foreign workers at the Krupp
factories did not voluntarily engage in the manufacture of
arms and munitions; they were forced to do so. This fact is
clearly shown by the following:
(a) Workers were brought to Essen from Poland and Russia in
grossly overcrowded, unheated, and unsanitary cattle cars
and upon debarking, were beaten, kicked, and otherwise
inhumanely treated. An employee of the Reich Railway at
Essen has described these conditions as follows:
“*** In the middle of 1941 the first workers arrived
from Poland, Galicia and Polish Ukraine. They came to
Essen in goods wagons in which potatoes, building
materials and also cattle have been transported; they
were brought to perform work at Krupp. The cars were
jammed full with people. *** The people were squashed
closely together and they had no room for free
movement. The Krupp overseers laid special value on the
speed the slave workers got in and out of the train.
*** the people were beaten and kicked and generally
maltreated in a brutal manner. *** I could see with my
own eyes that sick people who could scarcely walk ***
were taken to work. One could see that it was sometimes
difficult for them to move themselves. The same can be
said for the Eastern workers and PWs who came to Essen
in the middle of 1942.” (D-321; D-367).
(b) Foreign workers were compelled to go to work under guard
and were closely watched. In a memorandum dated 7 April
1942, entitled “employment of foreign workers", from the
Ignitor workshop of the Krupp Essen plant, it is stated:
“In the course of last week, due to the fact that the
foreign workers, especially Poles, could not be relied
upon to appear
[Page 793]
at work, there was an extraordinary decrease in
production; loss of money and fines did not obtain the
desired results.
“Especially during short (bank) holidays we were not
able to find a responsible person in the camp
Seumannstrasse, to whom we could have referred. We
ourselves are short of guards to fetch the Poles from
their camp, and to guard them overnight.” (D-270; re
compulsion exerted by guards in marching foreign
workers to work, see also D-253).
(c) After working hours, foreign workers were confined in
camps under barbed wire enclosures and were carefully
guarded. Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in Krupp’s workers'
camps, has stated in an affidavit:
“The eastern workers and Poles who laboured in the
Krupp works at Essen were kept at camps at
Seumannstrasse, Spenlestrasse, Grieperstrasse,
Heegstrasse, Germaniastrasse, Kapitan-Lehmannstrasse,
Dechenschule, and Kramerplatz. *** All these camps were
surrounded by barbed wire and were closely guarded.” (D-
288)
[Page 793]
H. CONTRARY TO ARTICLES 4, 6, 7, AND 46 OF THE HAGUE
REGULATIONS, 1907, ARTICLES 2 AND OF THE PRISONERS OF WAR
CONVENTION (GENEVA 1929), THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAR, AND
ARTICLES 6(b) AND 6(c) OF THE CHARTER, KRUPP, AS HEAD OF THE
KRUPP CONCERN, WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR DENYING ADEQUATE FOOD,
SHELTER, CLOTHING, AND MEDICAL CARE AND ATTENTION TO
PRISONERS OF WAR AND WORKERS FORCIBLY DEPORTED FROM OCCUPIED
COUNTRIES, FOR FORCING THEM TO WORK UNDER INHUMANE
CONDITIONS, AND FOR TORTURING THEM AND SUBJECTING THEM TO
INDIGNITIES.
(1) The prisoners of war and foreign laborers at the Krupp
works were undernourished and forced to work on a virtual
starvation diet.
(a) In a memorandum upon Krupp stationery to Mr. Hupe,
Director of the Krupp locomotive factory in Essen, dated 14
March 1942 and entitled “Employment of Russians", it was
said:
“During the last few days we have established that the
food for the Russians employed here is so miserable,
that the people are getting weaker from day to day.
“Investigations showed that single Russians are not
able
[Page 794]
to place a piece of metal for turning into position for
instance, because of lack of physical strength. The
same conditions exist at all places of work where
Russians are employed.” (D-316)
(b) In a memorandum dated 18 March 1942, the following was
reported from the Krupp armoured car repair shop:
“I got the food this evening after Mr. Balz telephoned,
but I had quite a struggle with the people responsible
in the camp before I got anything at all. They always
told me that the people had already received the day's
rations and there wasn’t any more. What the gentlemen
understand under a day’s ration is a complete puzzle to
me. The food as a whole was a puzzle too, because they
ladled me out the thinnest of any already watery soup.
It was literally water with a handful of turnips and it
looked as if it were washing up
“Please tell Mr. Balz again definitely so that the
matter is finally cleared up, that it cannot continue
having people perish here at work.” (D-310)
(c) In a memorandum dated 20 March 1942 to Mr. Ihn, one of
the Krupp Directors, Dinkelacker, a Krupp official, wrote:
[Page 795]
“The Deputy Works Manager Mr. Mustin, who also employs
a number of such Russian workers and who is quite
satisfied with their performance, went to the camp in
Kramerplatz on my inducement and had a talk with Mr.
Welberg, the Camp Commandant. Mr. Hassel from the Works
Police who was present at the time, butted in and
declared that one should not believe what the people
said. Also that one was dealing with Bolsheviks and
they ought to have beatings substituted for food.” (D-
318)
(d) In a memorandum dated 26 March 1942, to Mr. Hupe
concerning the use of Russian prisoners of war and civilian
workers, it was reported:
“The reason why the Russians are not capable of
production is, in my opinion, that the food which they
are given will never give them the strength for working
which you hope for. The food one day, for instance,
consisted of a watery soup with cabbage leaves and a
few pieces of turnip. The punctual appearance of the
food leaves a good deal to be desired too.” (D-297)
(e) In a memorandum dated 8 December 1942, Haller, a Krupp
official, wrote:
[Page 795]
“The complaints from our foreign workers about
insufficient food have increased lately. ***”
“We experienced a very forcible confirmation of these
complaints the other day when we drew the food for the
Eastern workers from the kitchen in Kramerplatz. On 5
December 1942 the midday meal contained unpeeled, whole
potatoes which were not even properly cooked; on 7
December 1942, there was soup on which cabbage leaves
floated, the sight of which made me feel sick.” (D-366)
(f) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in the Krupps' workers'
camps, has stated under oath that not only did the plan for
food distribution to foreign workers call for a very small
quantity of meat every week, but also that they received
only contaminated meats rejected by the health authorities,
such as horse or tuberculin infested meat (D-288).
(2) The prisoners of war and foreign workers at the Krupp
factories were forced to live in grossly overcrowded hutted
camps and otherwise were denied adequate shelter.
(a) In a sworn statement, Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor of
the Krupp workers' camps, has stated with respect to the
Krupp camps at which the eastern workers and Poles were
kept:
“Conditions in all these camps were extremely bad. The
camps were greatly overcrowded. In some camps there
were over twice as many people in a barrack as health
conditions permitted-”
*******
“Sanitary conditions were exceedingly bad. At
Kramerplatz, where approximately 1,200 eastern workers
were crowded into the rooms of an old school, the
sanitary conditions were atrocious in the extreme. Only
10 children’s toilets were available for the 1,200
inhabitants. At Dechenschule, 15 children’s toilets
were available for the 400-500 eastern workers.
Excretion contaminated the entire floors of these
lavatories. There were also very few facilities for
washing.”
(b) Statistics upon the Krupp camps compiled by Krupp
officials in 1942 for the Essen health authorities show that
in the Krupp Seumannstrasse camp 1784 beds were compressed
into a surface area of 7844 square meters; in the Krupp
Bottropertrasse camp 874 beds were crowded into a surface
area of 3585 square meters; and that in other Krupp camps
the congestion was even greater (D-143).
[Page 796]
(c) In a memorandum dated 12 June 1944, Dr. Stinnesbeck, a
doctor retained by the Krupp works, reported, with respect
to the Krupp prisoner of war camp at Noggerathstrasse that:
“315 prisoners are still accommodated in the camp. 170
of these are no longer in barracks but in the tunnel in
Grunerstrasse under the Essen-Mulheim railway line.
This tunnel is damp and is not suitable for continued
accommodation of human beings. The rest of the
prisoners are accommodated in 10 different factories in
Krupps works.” (D-335)
(d) In a special medical report marked “strictly
confidential", dated 2 September 1944, concerning the same
prisoner of war camp, Dr. Jaeger
"The P. O. W. camp in the Noggerathstrasse is in a frightful
condition. The people live in ash bins, dog kennels, old
baking ovens and in self-made huts.” (D-339).
(3) The prisoners of war and foreign workers at the Krupp
factories were denied adequate clothing.
(a) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in Krupps' workers'
camps, has stated under oath:
“The clothing of the eastern workers was likewise
completely inadequate. They worked and slept in the
same clothing in which they had arrived from the east.
Virtually all of them had no overcoats and were
compelled, therefore, to use their blankets as coats in
cold and rainy weather. In view of the shortage of
shoes, many workers were forced to go to work in their
bare feet, even in the winter. Wooden shoes were given
to some of the workers, but their quality was such as
to give the workers sore feet. Many workers preferred
to go to work in their bare feet rather than endure the
suffering caused by the wooden shoes. Apart from the
wooden shoes, no clothing of any kind was issued to the
workers until the latter part of 1943, when a single
blue work suit was issued to some of them. To my
knowledge, this represented the sole issue of clothing
to the workers from the time of their arrival until the
American forces entered Essen.” (D-288)
(b) In a memorandum to Mr. Ihn, a Krupp director, dated 20
October 1942, Dr. Wiehle, head of the Krupp hospital in
Essen, wrote:
“It has already been pointed out several times at
conferences that the clothing for Eastern workers, men
and women, is not sufficient. With regard to the cold
weather, the camp
[Page 797]
physician today called our attention to the fact that
the number of colds is going up because of the question
of insufficient clothing.
“Many of the men and women still have to go barefooted.
They have no underwear and it often happens that people
who wear foot bandages because of injuries walk
barefooted on these bandages.” (D-271; see also D-355,
D-312)
(4) Prisoners of war and foreign laborers at the Krupp works
were denied adequate medical care and treatment, and as a
consequence, suffered severely from a multitude of diseases
and ailments.
(a) In the above mentioned affidavit, Dr. Jaeger has stated:
“The percentage of eastern workers who were ill was
twice as great as among the Germans. Tuberculosis was
particularly widespread among the eastern workers. The
T.B. rate among them was 4 times the normal rate (2%
eastern workers, Germans .5%). At Dechenschule
approximately 2 l/2% of the workers suffered from open
T.B. These were all active T.B. cases. The Tartars and
Kirghiz suffered most; as soon as they were overcome by
this disease they collapsed like flies. The cause was
bad housing, the poor quality and insufficient quantity
of food, overwork, and insufficient rest.
“These workers were likewise afflicted with spotted
fever. Lice, the carrier of this disease, together with
countless fleas, bugs and other vermin, tortured the
inhabitants of these camps. As a result of the filthy
conditions of the camps nearly all eastern workers were
afflicted with skin disease. The shortage of food also
caused many cases of Hunger-Odem, Nephritis and
Shighakruse.
“It was the general rule that workers were compelled to
go to work unless a camp doctor had prescribed that
they were unfit for work. At Seumannstrasse,
Grieperstrasse, Germaniastrasse, Kapitan-Lehmanstrasse,
and Dechenschule, there was no daily sick call. At
these camps, the doctors did not appear for two or
three days. As a consequence, workers were forced to go
to work despite illnesses.”
*******
“At the end of 1943, or the beginning of 1944,I am not
completely sure of the exact date — I obtained
permission for the first time to visit the prisoner of
war camps. My inspection revealed that conditions at
these camps were even
[Page 798]
worse than those I had found at the camps of the
eastern workers in 1942. Medical supplies at such camps
were virtually non-existent. In an effort to cure this
intolerable situation, I contacted the Wehrmacht
authorities whose duty it was to provide medical care
for the prisoners of war. My persistent efforts came to
nothing. After visiting and pressing them over a period
of two weeks, I was given a total of 100 aspirin
tablets for over 3,000 prisoners of war.” (D-288)
(b) In a memorandum dated 7 May 1943, prepared at the Krupp
hospital, entitled “Deaths of Eastern Workers,” report was
made of the death of 54 “eastern workers.” Of this number,
38 died of tuberculosis, 2 of undernourishment, and 2 of
intestinal disease. (D-283)
(c) In his “strictly confidential” report concerning the
prisoner of war camp at Noggerathstrasse, Dr. Jaeger
reported:
“The food is barely sufficient. Krupp is responsible
for housing and feeding. The supply of medicine and
bandages is so extremely bad that proper medical
treatment was not possible in many cases. This fact is
detrimental to the P. W. camp. It is astonishing that
the number of sick is not higher than it is and it
moves between 9 and 10 percent.” (D-339; also D-313).
(d) In a special medical report dated 28 July 1944, Dr.
Jaeger wrote:
“The sick barrack in Camp Rabenhorst is in such bad
condition, one cannot speak of a sick barrack anymore.
The rain leaks through in every corner. The housing of
the ill is therefore impossible. The necessary labour
for production is in danger because those persons who
are ill cannot recover. ***” (D-338).
(5) Russian juveniles were compelled to work at the Krupp
factories, and prisoners of war and foreign workers were
generally forced to work long hours, to and beyond the point
of exhaustion.
(a) In a memorandum marked “secret", dated 14 August 1942,
Reiff, a Krupp official, wrote:
“*** I am under the impression that the better Russian
workers are first of all chosen for the works in
Central and Eastern Germany. We really get the bad
remainders only. Just now 600 Russians, consisting of
450 women and 150 juveniles, 14 years of age, arrived.”
(D-348; similar proof is contained in D-281).
[Page 799]
(b) In a memorandum from the Chief of the Krupp Camp
Catering Department, it is stated:
*** It is to be considered that foreigners must work 12
hours on principle out of which, 1 hour counts as a break
and consequently will not be paid.” (D-233; for evidence
concerning complete exhaustion of foreign workers and
prisoners of war, see D-313).
(6) The prisoners of war and foreign laborers used at the
Krupp works were beaten, tortured, and subjected to inhuman
indignities.
(a) In a sworn statement, Heinrich Buschhauer has stated:
“*** I admit that I hit Russians. The Russians were
very willing and attentive. The clothing of the
Russians was very bad and torn. Their feet were wrapped
in rags. The appearance of the people was bad, they
were thin and pale. Their cheeks had fallen in
completely. In spite of this, I was forced to ill-treat
the people on the orders of works manager Theile. I
have boxed the people’s ears and beaten them with a ¾
rubber tube and a wooden stick. *** The more energetic
I went against these people, the more the Works Manager
liked it. I *** had to drive and beat the Russians in
order to get increased production from them. At times,
I had up to two thousand foreigners under me. The
Russians could not possibly work more than they did,
because the food was too bad and too little. The Works
management, however, wanted to get still higher
performance from them. It often happened that the
Russians, so utterly weakened, collapsed. ***”
*******
“The conditions which I have described above continued
the whole of the years I was in the boiler making
department. On 20 February 1943, I was transferred from
the boiler making shop to Nidia.” (D-105).
(b) Walter Thoene, a Krupp employee, likewise admitted in a
sworn statement that he constantly beat foreign workers. He
stated:
“I admit that I punched and beat Hungarian Jewesses who
I had to supervise in No. 3 Steel Moulding Shop. I did
not do this of my own free will but was ordered to do
so by my works manager Reif, who was a Party Member
like I was. Almost every day this unscrupulous man held
me to it in no mistakable manner to driving on these
Jewesses and getting
[Page 800]
better performances from them. He also always
emphasized that I should not be trivial in the choice
of means, and if necessary, hit them like hitting a
piece of cold iron. As soon as I saw that these women
were standing near the ovens, I had to drive them back
to their work.” (D-355)
Comparable admission were made by August Kleinschmidt,
another Krupp employee. (D-306)
(c) Dr. Apolinary Gotowicki, a doctor in the Polish Army,
who was taken a prisoner of war and in that capacity
attended some Russian, Polish and French prisoners of war at
the Krupp factories, has stated under oath:
“*** Every day, at least 10 people were brought to me
whose bodies were covered with bruises on account of
the continual beatings with rubber tubes, steel
switches or sticks. The people were often writhing with
agony and it was impossible for me to give them even a
little medical aid. *** I could notice people daily who
on account of hunger or ill-treatment, were slowly
dying. Dead people often lay for 2 or 3 days on the
pailliases until their bodies stank so badly that
fellow prisoners took them outside and buried them
somewhere. *** I have seen with my own eyes the
prisoners coming back from Krupps and how they
collapsed on the march and had to be wheeled back on
barrows or carried by their comrades. *** The work
which they had to perform was very heavy and dangerous
and many cases happened where people had cut their
fingers, hands or legs. These accidents were very
serious and the people came to me and asked me for
medical help. But it wasn’t even possible for me to
keep them from work for a day or two, although I had
been to the Krupp directorate and asked for permission
to do so. At the end of 1941, 2 people died daily and
in 1942 the deaths increased to 3-4 per day.” (D-313)
(d) A particular form of torture which was inflicted upon
Russian workers was a steel cabinet specially manufactured
by Krupp, into which workers were thrown after beatings. The
cabinets are shown in photographs attached to a sworn
statement wherein it is stated:
“Photograph 'A' shows an iron cupboard which was
specially manufactured by the Firm of Krupp to torture
Russian civilian workers to such an extent that it is
impossible to describe. Men and women were often locked
in one compartment of the cupboard, in which a man
could scarcely stand,
[Page 801]
for long periods. The measurements of this compartment
are height 1.52 meters, breadth and depth 40 to 50 cm.
each. In fact, people were often kicked and pressed
into one compartment in pairs. At the top of the
cupboard, there were sieve-like air holes through which
cold water was poured on the unfortunate victims during
the ice-cold winter.” (D-82; for further evidence of
constant beatings of foreign workers, see D-253, D-312,
D-354, and D-267).
(e) Records found in the Krupp files plainly indicate that
the practice of beating and torturing prisoners of war and
foreign workers was deliberately prescribed by Krupp
officials. Steel switches which were used to beat the
workers were distributed pursuant to the instructions of
Kupke, head of the Krupp camps for foreign workers (D-230).
In a memorandum dated 19 March 1942, from the Krupp Works
Catering Department, it was said:
*** With regards to the times ahead it seems desirable
to us, to draw attention to the authorities concerned,
with the necessary pressure, to the fact that only
severest treatment of the French prisoners of war will
ensure that they maintain their performance even with
the present food position, which is the same for German
workers.”
As previously shown, Hassel, an official in the Krupp works
police, stated that the Russians “ought to have beatings
substituted for food” (D-318).
(7) The Krupp companies specifically requested and actively
sought out the employment of prisoners of war and foreign
laborers.
(a) In a memorandum dated 13 July 1942 by Weinhold, a Krupp
official, complaint was registered over the fact that “the
reign laborers are only available two to three months after
they have been asked for by us.” (D-281).
b) In a letter to the Krupp firm dated 27 August 1942,
Colonel Zimmerman of the Oberkommando des Heeres, said:
“According to our estimate, there ought to be enough
workers in your ignitor workshops to reach the demanded
production figure. This especially, as the 105
Russians, demanded by your firm at the Conference of
the special committee M 111 on the 24 April 1942, were
assigned to your works at the beginning of June re-
letter from Wa J Ru (Mun. 2). ***
“Unfortunately, I found out at the sitting of the
special committee M 111 on the 26 August 1942 that the
firm of Krupp asks for another 55 workers, including 25
skilled labourers, with-
[Page 802]
out having a corresponding raise in the production
figures. I cannot judge from here, what the reasons for
this are.” (D-345)
(c) In a memorandum dated 21 December 1942 concerning the
possibility of the Krupp works obtaining additional
conscripted French workers, Dr. Lehmann, a Krupp official,
stated:
“*** We discussed how far it would be possible for
complete shifts of workers conscripted from French
factories to be transferred to Essen. We are to
collaborate as far as practicable in the splitting up
of our requirements amongst individual military
government offices and military police posts. So far as
possible one of our representatives is to assist in the
selection from amongst the conscripts.” (D-196; see
also D-280).
(8) Concentration camp laborers, who were brought to the
Krupp works at the request of Krupp officials, were
subjected to persecution, degradation, despoilment, and
torture in a manner similar to that of prisoners of war and
slave laborers.
(a) Mr. Ihn, a director of the Krupp firm, has stated in a
signed but unsworn statement, that the Krupp firm first
asked for concentration camp labor on 22 September 1942, and
that the first group of them arrived “in the summer or
autumn of 1944” (D-274).
(b) The fact that concentration camp labor was requested by
the Krupp works; that such persons were to be confined
behind barbed wire enclosures; and that they were to be
closely guarded by SS personnel is further shown in a
memorandum entitled “Visit of the Director of Distribution
of Workers of the Weimar-Buchenwald Concentration Camp; SS
Hauptsturmfuehrer Schwarz on 26-74", written by Trockel, a
Krupp official. In the course of this memorandum, Trockel
stated:
“Herr Schwarz came on behalf of his Commandant SS
Standartenfuehrer Pister to talk over with us, the
question of employment of Kl detainees. He pointed out
that the employment of men could not be reckoned with
for a considerable period. Our last request was for 700
women.”
“As not less than 500 women would be assigned, we
agreed that the figure should remain at 500 women. in
order that the assignment should not be endangered.
***”
*******
“*** The main things are the erection of a barbed
[Page 803]
wire fence in front of the hall which allows a small
exit and the erection of a small barracks for the
Commander of the guard and his duty office and for the
German female guard personnel. ***”
“The SS are providing a guard consisting of guard
commander and 10 men. For 520 women we have to name
approx. 45 German women who will be sworn in to the SS,
given 3 weeks training in the women’s camp at
Ravensbruck and then given full official supervision
duties by the SS. ***” (D-238)
(c) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in the Krupp camps, has
described conditions at the camp which the Krupp works
maintained for concentration camp labor as follows:
“Camp Humboldstrasse had been inhabitated by Italian
prisoners of war. After it had been destroyed by an air
raid, the Italians were removed and 600 Jewish females
from Buchenwald Concentration Camp were brought in to
work at the Krupp factories. Upon my first visit at
Camp Humboldstrasse, I found these females suffering
from open festering wounds and other diseases.
“I was the first doctor they had seen for at least a
fortnight. There was no doctor in attendance at the
camp. There were no medical supplies in the camp. They
had no shoes and went about in their bare feet. The
sole clothing of each consisted of a sack with holes
for their arms and head. Their hair was shorn. The camp
was surrounded by barbed wire and closely guarded by SS
guards.
“The amount of food in the camp was extremely meagre
and of very poor quality. The houses in which they
lived consisted of the ruins of former barracks and
they afforded no shelter against rain and other weather
conditions. I reported to my superiors that the guards
lived and slept outside their barracks as one could not
enter them without being attacked by 10, 20 and up to
30 fleas. One camp doctor employed by me refused to
enter the camp again after he had been bitten very
badly. I visited this camp with a Mr. Grono on two
occasions and both times we left the camp badly bitten.
We had great difficulty in getting rid of the fleas and
insects which had attacked us. As a result of this
attack by insects of this camp, I got large boils on my
arms and the rest of my body. I asked my superiors at
the Krupp works
[Page 804]
to undertake the necessary steps to delouse the camp so
as to put an end to this unbearable, vermin-infested
condition. Despite this report, I did not find any
improvement in sanitary conditions at the camp on my
second visit a fortnight later.” (D-288)
(d) The conditions under which the concentration camp
workers existed at the Krupp camps and factories and the
indignities and barbarities to which they were subjected are
vividly described in affidavits by such workers (D-256; D-
277; D-272). In general, the affidavits disclose that these
concentration camp laborers slept on bare floors of damp,
windowless and lightless cellars; that they had no water for
drinking or cleansing purposes; that they were compelled to
do work far beyond their strength; that they were
mercilessly beaten; that they were given one wretched meal a
day, consisting of a dirty watery soup with a thin slice of
black bread; and that many of them died from starvation,
tuberculosis and overexertion. A chart entitled “Fried.
Krupp Berthawerk, Markstaedt Breslau, Number of Occupied
Foreigners, Prisoners of War and Concentration Camp Inmates”
shows the use of concentration camp labor at that factory,
as well as at the above-mentioned Krupp company in Essen (D-
298).
(9) Charts prepared by Krupp officials show that in
September 1943, the Krupp concerns employed 39,245 foreign
workers and 11,224 prisoners of war, and that the number
mounted steadily until September 1944, when 54,990 foreign
workers and 18,902 prisoners of war were used (Chart
entitled “Foreigners and Prisoners of War of the Krupp
Concern"; chart entitled “Cast Steel Works, Number of
Prisoners of War and Foreigners", not here reproduced.) The
majority of the foreign laborers consisted of Russians,
French, Poles, and Dutch.
[Page 804]
I. AS REWARD FOR HIS PARTICIPATION IN THE NAZI CONSPIRATORS'
PROGRAM,. KRUPP REAPED LARGE PROFITS, WAS PERMITTED TO
EXPAND HIS INDUSTRIAL EMPIRE, AND RECEIVED HIGH HONORS AND
SPECIAL PRIVILEGES FROM THE NAZI GOVERNMENT.
(1) Although the Krupp companies operated at a substantial
loss in the years immediately preceding Hitler’s accession
to power, the huge orders from the Nazi state enabled them
to derive vast profits thereafter. In the fiscal year 1
October 1934 to 30 September 1935, the net profits of Fried.
Krupp and subsidiaries, after the deduction of taxes, gifts
and reserves recog-
[Page 805]
nized by the tax authorities, amounted to 67,216,392 marks.
In the fiscal year 1937 to 1938 these net profits rose to
97,071,632 marks, and in the fiscal year 1941 they amounted
to 111,555,216 marks (Chart entitled “Income and Loss of the
Fried. Krupp Combine"; Graph entitled “Profits or Losses of
Fried. Krupp and Subsidiaries as Reported to Tax
Authorities,” not here reproduced.)
(2) Krupp was permitted, with the approval and at times
connivance of Nazi officials, to extend in great measure his
participation in other companies, both within and without
Germany.
(a) On 1 October 1933 the participations of Fried. Krupp in
other concerns had a book value of 75,962,000 marks. By 30
September 1942 the book value of the participations had
grown to 132,944,000 marks. On 1 October 1942 the
participation account was revalued and carried at a new
figure of 187,924,621 marks. In the following year new
acquisitions were made in he amount of 50,224,707 marks, so
that the book value of the participations as of 1 October
1943 was 237,316,093 marks. Even this figure contains many
going concerns in occupied countries which were arbitrarily
assigned a book value of only 1 mark. Leaving out of account
the revaluation of 1 October 1942, the participation account
as of 1 October 1943 would have been 82,962,000 marks. The
increment in the participation account is shown in a chart
entitled, “Fried. Krupp Participations” (D-341). The
expansion of the Krupp concern under the Nazi regime is
likewise revealed by a comparison of charts showing the
companies in the Krupp concern as of 30 September 1935 and
(b) Complete records of all acquisitions by Krupp have not
been obtained because, according to Krupp officials, many
records were lost or destroyed in air raids. Enough appears,
however, to indicate that the Krupp firm did in fact call
upon the Nazi authorities to facilitate or make possible the
acquisition of property interests in occupied countries.
Thus, when Mr. Erhard, the French custodian of Jewish
property in France, resisted Krupp’s attempts to acquire a
lease of a plant at Liancourt, France, the Krupp concern
enlisted the support of the Army to gain its objective.
Under threat of replacement by a German official, the French
custodian of Jewish property acceded to Krupp’s demands. In
a memorandum dated 29 July 1942, found in the Krupp files,
it is stated:
“*** M. Erhard delayed the negotiations to such an
extent that finally the appropriate military
authorities in
[Page 806]
Paris urged a settlement. This authority declared that
if Mr. Erhard could not make up his mind to sell, at
least he would have to give a three years' lease to
Krupp.
“The custodianship would be taken away from Mr. Erhard
and a German Commissar would be appointed unless the
lease were granted in a very short time.” (D-526).
(3) In recognition of his services to the Nazi State, Krupp
was awarded the “Shield of the Eagle of the German Reich”
with the inscription “To the German leader of Industry” (D-
66).
(4) Because of his unique service to the military power of
the Nazi State, Krupp was authorized by special decree of
Hitler to transform Fried. Krupp A.G. into a private family
concern in order to perpetuate control of the firm by a
single member of the Krupp family.
(a) In a letter dated 11 November 1942 to Bormann, Krupp
stated:
“*** You have asked me to make proposals to you which
would secure the future of the unified existence of the
Krupp works more than this is feasible today. *** On
considering -this question we have ascertained that
under the present laws the principal solution of the
question cannot be carried out. We had to find an
entirely new way, therefore, which, just as the law
regarding heritage of agricultural property, creates
entirely new legislation.” (D-99)
(b) In reply to the above letter, Bormann wrote to Krupp
that:
“I have reported the contents of your letters of the
11/11 to the Fuehrer today. He instructed me to inform
you that he would be readily prepared to arrange for
any possible safeguarding for the continued existence
of the works as a family enterprise; it would be the
simplest to issue a 'Lex Krupp' to start with.” (D-
101).
(c) Krupp’s recognition of the unusual character of his
proposal is indicated in his letter of 24 February 1943 to
Lammers, wherein he said:
“Without doubt, the matter, which is without precedent
in economic life, will have to be discussed with the
Reichs Minister of Justice and the Reichs Minister of
Finance also. *** “ (D-106).
(d) On 12 November 1943 Hitler signed the decree making
possible the preservation of the Krupp firm as a family
enterprise in recognition of the fact that
[Page 807]
“for 132 years the firm of Fried. Krupp, as a family
enterprise has achieved outstanding and unique merits
for the armed strength of the German people.” (D-120)
In a letter dated 16 November 1943, Lammers wrote to Krupp:
“On 12 November the Fuehrer signed the decree regarding
the family enterprise of the firm Fried. Krupp. *** May
I express my heartiest congratulations to you, your
wife and the firm Fried. Krupp on the great honor which
has been conferred on the merits of the firm Fried.
Krupp with this recognition by the Fuehrer.” (D-124).
(e) As the final step in the proceeding, Hitler approved
"the statute of the family enterprise Fried. Krupp” which
gave effect to his decree of 12 November 1943 (D-131).
(f) In a letter of gratitude to Hitler dated 29 December
1943, Krupp stated:
“*** By this, you have made a wish come true, which my
wife and I had had for years, and thus relieved our
hearts of great worry over the future of the Krupp
works.”
*******
“My wife and I as well as the whole family, are deeply
-grateful to you for this proof of your confidence.
***”
“Our special thanks go to you, Mein Fuehrer, also for
the great honor and recognition which you have awarded,
in the introduction to your decree, to 130 years of the
work of Krupps, the work of Krupps done by many
generations of faithful followers, and steered and
directed by 4 generations of the family Krupp.” (D-135)
[Page 808]
LEGAL REFERENCES AND LIST OF DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO GUSTAV KRUPP VON BOHLEN UND HALBACH
Charter of the International Military Tribunal, Article 6…
International Military Tribunal, Indictment Number 1, Section IV (H);
Appendix A…
Note: A single asterisk (*) before a document was received in evidence
at the Nurnberg trial. A double asterisk (**) before a document
number indicates that the document was referred to during the trial
but was not formally received in evidence, for the reason given in the
parentheses following the description of the document. The USA series
number, given in parentheses following the description of the
document, is the official exhibit number assigned by the court.
*3054-PS; “The Nazi Plan", script of a motion picture composed of
captured German film. (USA 167), Vol V, Pg. 801
D-62; Letter from Inspector of War Production to Krupp, 21 January
1937. Vol VI Pg. 1028
D-63; Declaration of political attitude by Krupp, 6 February 1937.
Vol VI Pg. 1029
D-64; Letter to Krupp, 3 December 1941, enclosing extracts from draft
of article entitled “Works Leader and Armament Works", 5 April 1941.
Vol VI Pg. 1030
[Page 809]
D-66; Presentation certificate, 7 August 1940, concerning granting to
Krupp of Shield of the Eagel of German Reich. Vol VI Pg. 1034
D-88; Correspondence between Krup and Raeder, 7 and 10 August 1935.
Vol VI Pg. 1042
D-94; Article by Krupp, Manager and Armament Worker, from 1 March
1942 issue of Krupp magazine. Vol VI Pg. 1043
D-96; Memorandum on establishment of an experimental Tank Factory by
the Grusonwerk, 21 February 1944. Vol VI Pg 1047
D-99; Letter from Krupp to Bormann, 11 November 1942. Vol VI Pg.
1048
D-101; Letter from Bormann to Krupp, 21 November 1942. Vol VI Pg.
1050
D-106; Letter from Krupp to Lammers, 24 February 1943. Vol VI Pg.
1050
D-120; Fuehrer decree on family enterprise of the firm Freidrich
Krupp. Vol VI Pg. 1051
D-124; Letter from Lammers to Krupp, 16 November 1943. Vol VI Pg.
1053
D-131; Hitler decree of 21 December 1943, approving family
enterprise of Krupp. Vol VI Pg. 1054
D-135; Letter from Krupp to Hitler, 29 December 1943. Vol VI Pg.
1054
D-143; List of barracks and beds in workers Hostels and PW camps of
Freidrich Krupp A.G. and covering letter of 30 June 1942. Vol VI Pg.
1058
*D-151; Krupp, Schacht and Hess corresponsdence in 1933 regarding the
Hitler Fund. (GB 256; USA 831). Vol VI Pg. 1060
D-152; Memorandum by Pfisrch on the conference at Federal Ministry
for National Defense in Vienna, 28 September 1936. Vol VI Pg. 1062
[Page 810]
D-154; Memorandum, 23 June 1937, in files of Freidrich Krupp A.G.
concerning order for armor plating from Bulgaria. Vol VI Pg. 1062
*D-157; Letter from Krupp to Hitler, 25 April 1933, with enclosure.
(USA 765). Vol VI Pg. 1063
D-158; Letter from Rosenberg to Krupp, 26 April 1933. Vol VI Pg.
1066
*D-167; Memoranda by Sonnenberg and Dr. Conn concerning exchange of
intelligence involving Krupp works. (USA 766). Vol VI Pg. 1069
D- 170; Notes of 8 May 1939 bu Sonnenberg on conference in Berlin
concerning foreign anti-aircraft guns. Vol VI Pg. 1072
D-191; Memorandum on reconstruction of Krupps after war 1914-1918
with special reference to armaments exports, 25 March 1941. Vol VI
Pg. 1076
D-196; Memoranda bu Dr. Lehman concerning recruiting of French
workers. Vol VI Pg. 1078
D-201; Telegram from Goering to Krupp. Vol VI Pg. 1080
*D-203; Speech of Hitler to leading members of industry before the
election of March 1933. (USA 767). Vol VI Pg. 1080
*D-204; Statement of Krupp concerning political organization of state
and economy, 22 February 1933. (USA 768). Vol VI Pg. 1085
*D-206; Memorandum, 12 October 1939, on distribution of propaganda
abroad through foreign connections of Krupp firm. (USA 769). Vol VI
Pg. 1085
D-208; Letter from Krupp to Springorum, 26 April 1933. Vol VI Pg.
1085
*D-230; Instructions for issuing steel
[Page 811]
switches to Krupp camps, 3 January 1945. (USA 898). Vol VI Pg. 1094
D-233; Memorandum, 17 October 1944, concerning working hours for
foreign workers. Vol VI Pg. 1095
D-238; Memorandum by Trockel, 28 July 1944, concerning assignation of
detainees. Vol VI Pg. 1095
D-242; Letter from Springorum to Krupp concerning contribution of
20,000 marks to Rosenberg. Vol VI Pg. 1097
D-249; Von Bulow memorandum on notes of conference with Grassman,
Fuss and Kraft, held 9 December 1942, concerning History of War
Economy. Vol VI Pg. 1098
D-253; Affidavit of Peter Gutersohn, 3 October 1945. Vol VI Pg. 1105
D-256; Affidavit of Rene Koenigsberg and Agnes Koenigsberg, 20
September 1945. Vol VI Pg. 1107
D-265; Affidavit of Heinrich Ruhnau, 3 October 1945. Vol VI Pg. 1108
D-267; Affidavit of Heinrich Teidtke, Karl Hanke, Johann Berek, 27
September 1945. Vol VI Pg. 1109
D-270; Memorandum, 7 April 1942, concerning employment of foreign
workers. Vol VI Pg. 1110
D-271; Memorandum from Wiele to Ihn, 20 October 1942. Vol VI Pg.
1110
D-272; Affidavit of Elizabeth and Ernestin Roth, 21 September 1945.
Vol VI Pg. 1111
D-274; Statement by Ihn, 1 October 1945. Vol VI Pg. 1112
D-278; Memorandum from Works Catering Department to Dr. Lehmann,
[Page 812]
Employment Office, 19 March 1942. Vol VI Pg. 1116
D-279; Affidavit of Alexander Haverkarte, 1 October 1945. Vol VI Pg.
1116
D-280; Secret memorandum, 17 June 1942, concerning need for and
obtaining of workers for cast steel works. Vol VI Pg. 1117
D-281; Memorandum by Winhold, 13 July 1942, concerning urgent
production A.Z. 23 (Pr). Vol VI Pg. 1119
*D-283; Report by Krupp hospitals, 7 May 1943, concerning deaths of
Eastern Workers. (USA 899) Vol VII Pg. 1
D-287; Letter from Krupp to Raeder, 30 October 1942. Vol VII Pg. 1
*D-288; Affidavit of Dr. Wilhelm Jaeger, 15 October 1945. (USA 202)
Vol VII Pg. 2
D-291; Speech by Krupp, 1 May 1936. Vol VII Pg. 7
D-297; Memorandum from Theile to Hupe, 26 March 1942 concerning
employment of Russian PWs and civilians. Vol VII Pg. 9
D-298; Affidavit by Dr. Georg Wolff and chart, “Fried. Krupp
Berthawerk, Markstaedt Breslau, Number of Accupied Foreigners,
Prisoners of War and Concentration Camp Inmates". Vol VII Pg. 10
D-304; Krupp speech, 13 October 1938. Vol VII Pg. 12
D-305; Affidavit of Heinrich Bushhauer, 5 October 1945. Vol VII Pg.
13
D-306; Affidavit of August Kleinshmidt, 11 October 1945. Vol VII Pg.
14
D-310; Memorandum from Grollius to Kolsch, 18 March 1942. Vol VII
Pg. 15
D-312; Affidavit of Karl Sehnbruck, 11 October 1945. Vol VII Pg. 16
*D-313; Affidavit by Dr. Apolinary Gotowicki, 13 October 1945. (USA
901). Vol VII Pg. 18
[Page 813]
*D-316; Memorandum to Mr. Hupe, 14 March 1942, concerning employment
of Russians. (USA 201). Vol VII Pg. 20
*D-317; Krupp speech, “Thoughts about the Industrial Enterpriser",
January 1944. (USA 770). Vol VII Pg. 21
D-318; Memorandum from Diwkelaker to Ihn, 20 March 1942. Vol VII Pg.
24
*D-321; Affidavit of Adam Schmidt, 12 October 1945. (USA 895). Vol
VII Pg. 25
D-325; Affidavit of 17 October 1945 concerning payments of Fried.
Krupp Cast Steel Works to Party and Party Organisations. Vol VII Pg.
26
D-332; Letter from Janssen to NSDAP, 27 June 1935. Vol VII Pg. 26
*D-335; Memorandum from Stinnesbeck to Jaeger, 12 June 1944. (USA
900). Vol VII Pg. 27
D-338; Special medical report by Dr. Jaeger, 28 July 1944. Vol VII
Pg. 27
D-339; Special medical report by Dr. Jaeger, 2 September 1944. Vol
VII Pg. 28
D-341; Affidavit of Johannes Schroeder concerning Freid. Krupp
Participations. Vol VII Pg. 29
D-345; Letter from Col. Zimmerman to Krupp firm, 27 August 1942. Vol
VII Pg. 30
D-348; Secret memo by Reiff concerning conference in Berlin, 14
August 1942. Vol VII Pg. 31
D-353; Speech by Krupp, 18 October 1933, at first meeting of
Committee for Industrial and Social Policy of Reich Association of
German Industry. Vol VII Pg. 32
D-354; Affidavit of Paul Lenz, Wilhelm Sill, Herman Rosskothen, Fritz
Schink, Karl Fortkamp, Wilhelm Piegeler, 5 October 1945. Vol VII Pg.
34
[Page 814]
D-355; Affidavit of Walter Thoene, 8 October 1945. Vol VII Pg. 36
D-363; Krupp speech, 4 September 1939. Vol VII Pg. 37
D-366; Memorandum from Haller to Schuermeyer, 8 December 1942. Vol
VII Pg. 37
D-367; Affidavit of Frauenrath, 12 October 1945. Vol VII Pg. 38
D-368; Letter from Lutze, 15 August 1934, concerning use of Hitler
Fund. Vol VII Pg. 39
D-373; Letter from Terboven to Krupp, 24 June 1935, thanking Krupp
for contributions. Vol VII Pg. 40
D-375; Letter from Krupp to Hitler, 24 July 1942. Vol VII Pg. 40
*D-382; Affidavit of Raimund Becker, Aloys Hoefer, Josef Dahm, 4
October 1945. (USA 897). Vol VII Pg. 41
D-385; Speech by Krupp at first showing of Krupp film on 27 October
1935. Vol VII Pg. 42
D-386; Speech by Krupp on election after death of Hindenburg, on 10
August 1934. Vol VII Pg. 43
D-387; Speech by Krupp, 7 April 1938. Vol VII Pg. 43
D-390; Krupp speech to jubilees of plant on 6 May 1941. Vol VII Pg.
43
D-391; Speech by Krupp, 6 April 1938. Vol VII Pg. 44
D-392; Speech by Krupp, 26 January 1934. Vol VII Pg. 45
D-393; Speech by Krupp, “The Day of Fate of the German People". Vol
VII Pg. 47
D-526; File memorandum, 29 July 1942, concerning acquisition of
Liancourt lease. Vol VII Pg. 71
