With the threat of “international Socialism,” the textbook name for Communism, so imminent in the Western world, nothing could be more important to the future survival and freedom of our children than to show them who set up the bloody Communist regime over the Russians and how they did it.
But you can hardly find the facts in the libraries any more and the big publishing houses no longer dare publish such life-saving information. Great hordes of the Marxist indoctrinated internationalists who secretly engineered, or whose associated and racial kinsmen engineered, the rise of Bolshevism in Russia, poured into America, both before and since the 1917 Communist revolution; and these revolutionaries are so well entrenched in Washington, they have such a powerful propaganda and smear machine and they control so much of the department store advertising — that hardly a single politician or publisher will dare relate the significant facts about how their machine destroyed Russia.
I want to quote at some length from one of the best books ever written on the Bolshevik Revolution, The Last Days of the Romanoffs [sic], by George Gustav Tellberg, Professor of Law in Saratov University and former Minister of Justice of the Russian Government at Omsk, and Robert Wilton, long-time Russian correspondent to the London Times. The book was published in the United States in 1920 by George H. Doran Company.
I believe one of the most valuable contributions I could make to human freedom would be to make this information available again to all who will read it.
The fly leaf shows that the book was copyrighted in 1920 by both the George H. Doran Company and the Curtis Publishing Company (publisher of the Saturday Evening Post).
This book gives transcripts of a court of inquiry and photostatic evidence identifying the murderers of the Czar and his family, and shows incidentally, but authentically, that a certain small group of less than a dozen Jews, by controlling the secret police, held the whip hand over the entire Soviet regime.
It may be news to you that there ever was such a thing as a court of inquiry held on the scene of the murder of the Czar and his family. There was such a court, and Wilton, the co-author of the book, was present throughout the inquiry as correspondent of the London Times.
It came about this way: The White Russian army, the army of the anti-Bolshevik government set up in Siberia, recaptured the town of Ekaterinburg a few days after the royal Romanoffs were murdered in that town; and the Siberian Government set up the court to find the murderers. The investigators got several signed confessions from some of the guards who participated, one in the actual murder, the others in scrubbing up the bloody floors and walls after the assassination.
Before the Siberian Government could apprehend more than a handful of the guilty — these only the indoctrinated, propagandized soldiers on guard who did only what they were told — the Red Army again took Ekaterinburg; but fortunately for the world, Wilton escaped with the entire court dossier. He released its essentials in the book I quote herein. The official record is here; but where can you find a copy of this valuable book today? To get one you have to make a deliberate search, whereas it ought to be required reading in every high school. Not three teachers, preachers or political “leaders” out of a hundred know these facts — yet to know them might enable us to prevent the international revolutionaries from destroying America.
The Royal family, including Czar Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, their son and their four daughters, together with such servants as had been permitted to remain with them, were held prisoners in the province of Omsk. Czar Nicholas, a highly religious Russian of kindly but weak character, had been hoodwinked into resigning in the “February Revolution” of 1917. After his resignation the “soviets” or committees of Marxist indoctrinated, unionized workmen sprang up like poison mushrooms, everywhere, organized almost overnight by some unseen force. All these soviets were bent on destroying the existing order and establishing a socialistic government. They seized or dominated the governments of many cities and towns and out of this revolutionary force rose the weak Socialist leader, Kerensky.
For nearly half a century Zionist agents had been indoctrinating the seven or eight million Jews in Russia with Marxism. (The late Chaim Weizmann, one of the principal leaders of these agents, in his autobiography, Trial and Error, tells us that the Pale of Settlement, the vast area which was virtually a Jewish land, was seething with revolutionaries of all varieties, those who wanted to seize the government of Russia and those who held that the best course for the Jews was to establish a nation of their own in Palestine.)
The soviets were themselves a Jewish innovation, and as their power grew in the cities, towns and villages, they seized telegraph and telephone exchanges and railroad centers and though some of them, notably east of the Urals, resisted Jewish domination, generally these committees were dominated, openly or covertly, by their Jewish inspirers, and thus they put the Jewish revolutionaries in a powerful position to terrorize any opposition.
Throughout most of 1917 — to the October Revolution — Kerensky remained head of the new government, but the German government, being at war with Russia, France, Britain and the United States, wanted to put Russia out of the war; so that government allowed the Bolshevik leaders, Lenin, and associates, to pass in a sealed train from Switzerland through Germany into Sweden, whence they infiltrated Russia. With support from inside the Social Democratic party and many of the Jewish-run soviets, Lenin, joined by Trotsky from New York, and other world Bolshevik leaders, gained the upper hand over the Kerensky government. Wilton touches on these historic events as he unfolds the tragedy of the Romanoffs.
By the spring of 1918 the German government (as well as the Allies) was alarmed at the rise of Bolshevik power and its blood-letting, as well as its threat to spread throughout Europe. The Bolsheviks had obliged Germany by taking Russia off her back, signing the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty. Now the Kaiser's government secretly decided to try to restore Nicholas II to the throne if he would endorse the peace treaty. It was necessary to get him back in Moscow, if the plan was to succeed.
Wilton claimed that Mirbach, the German agent in Moscow, still had great influence over the Red government, especially since so many military leaders and former government officials, and provincial governments not yet destroyed, were willing to work with any force that might counter the Bolsheviks and perhaps restore the monarchy.
On some ruse, Mirbach persuaded Sverdlov to send an envoy to bring Nicholas to Moscow. After all, it would strengthen the position of the Bolshevik usurpers if the Czar could be “tried” and found guilty of treason or anything. Or if the Czar would agree to endorse the peace treaty, the Allies would then no longer try to restore Nicholas as a means of getting Russia back into the war.
Sverdlov sent one Yankel Yakovlev [as] “Bolshevik commissar to the imperial family.” He arrived at Tobolsk, where the Romanoffs were held, April 22, 1918. He could not persuade Nicholas to agree to sanction the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, which Nicholas considered an eternal disgrace to Russia, but he did persuade the ex-Czar to return to Moscow. They got as far as Ekaterinburg, in the Urals, where the train was halted by the Viral Regional Soviet, or revolutionary committee.
The soviet was dominated by “Goloshchekin, Safarov, Voikov and Syromolotov, all four Jews.” They used a Russian named Beloborodov as figurehead president, a criminal, threatened by them with exposure and death for hs crime. “He was henceforth a mere straw man, kept in his place to deceive the obstreperous Uralian miners, who did not wish to be ruled from Moscow, much less by Jews.”
Goloshchekin was a member of Sverdlov's secret police, the Chrezvychaika, [and] an old comrade and fellow revolutionary of Sverdlov's. Telegrams and records at the telephone exchange, seized by the court of inquiry after the White Russian army captured Ekaterinburg, showed that the soviet was at all times in touch with their Jewish boss, Sverdlov in Moscow.
It was Sverdlov, master of the Chrezvychaika and head of the Tsik, strong man of the Red government, who ordered Yakovlev to take the Romanoffs via Ekaterinburg. Wilton suggests that Sverdlov must have been tipped off by friends in Germany that the German government was secretly planning to oust him and restore the monarchy.
Wilton might have been more specific, for it was well known by the time his book was published that [it was] the German Jewish bankers, the Warburgs (the family which now is so influential over the White House) and the Jewish prime minister of Germany, who induced the Kaiser's government to let the exiled Bolsheviks, Lenin and party, return to Russia through Germany in a sealed train. Sverdlov himself had been associated with the group in Germany and evidently was chosen by them.
Sverdlov, as president of the Tsik, was over the foreign as well as domestic affairs of Sovietism, being in fact, Prime Minister. Taken according to numbers of population, the Jews represented one in ten (in Russia); among the komisors [commissars] that rule Bolshevist Russia they are nine in ten. In addition to Sverdlov, the Chrezvychaika (inquisition) was run by Goloshchekin, Yurovsky, Efremov, Chustkevich and three other Jews.
The Ural Regional Soviet relieved Yakovlev of the prisoners and held them in a local mansion. Presently the commander of the guard, who had been a fanatical anti-Czar revolutionary, began to change, seeing the modest nature of Nicholas and his devotion to Russia and especially his concern for the peasants. He let sisters from a local Catholic institution bring fresh eggs and vegetables to the royal family.
But Sverdlov had other plans for the royal family. He put Yurovsky in charge. Yurovsky is described as a drunken Jewish criminal, whose own mother opposed and feared him. Yurovsky relieved the Russian commander and moved all Russian soldiers off the premises, to adjoining houses, replacing them inside and immediately outside the prison house with foreign revolutionaries.
Count Mirbach, the agent of the German government in Moscow, was killed the second week in July. His murderers later were identified as men from Sverdlov's secret police.
On July 17 (by the western calendar) Yurovsky took all pistols away from the Russian soldiers and told them if they heard firing during the night not to be alarmed.
Here is part of the sworn confession by one of the guardsmen who participated in the murder, one Pavel Medvedoff:
A new commandant was assigned: his name was Iourovsky (Yurovsky) … In the evening of July 16 … Iourovsky announced to me: “We will have to shoot them all tonight; notify the guardsmen not to be alarmed if they should hear the shots.”
About midnight Iourovsky woke up the czar's family … In about an hour the whole family, the doctor, the maid and two waiters got up, washed and dressed themselves …
Shortly after 1 o'clock in the night the czar, czaritza, their four daughters, the maid, the doctor, the cook and the waiter left their rooms. The czar carried the heir in his arms. The emperor and heir were dressed in “gimnosterkas” (soldiers' shirts) and wore caps … During my presence nobody of the czar's family asked anybody any questions. They did not either weep or cry. Having descended the stairs to the first floor, we went out into the court, and from there by the second door … we entered the lower floor of the house …
One chair was given to the emperor, one to the empress, and the third to the heir. The empress sat by the wall with the window, near the back pillar of the arch. Behind her stood three of her daughters. (I knew their faces very well because I saw them every day when they were walking, but I didn't know them by name). The heir and the emperor sat side by side, almost in the middle of the room. Dr. Batkin stood behind the heir. The maid, a very tall woman, stood by the left post of the door leading to the storeroom; by her side stood one of the czar's daughters (the fourth). Two servants stood at the left from the entrances of the room, against the wall separating the storeroom …
None Asked for Mercy
It looked as if all of them guessed their fate, but not a single sound was uttered. At the same time eleven men entered the room: Iourovsky, his assistant, two members of the extraordinary commission, and seven Letts. (Note: Wilton did not believe they were Letts, as they wrote notes in Magyar, mysteriously poor Magyar — RHW). Iouravsky ordered me to leave, saying, “Go to the street, see if there is anybody there and if the shots can be heard.”
I went out to the court which was enclosed by a fence, and before I could get out to the street I heard the firing. (Note: The court of inquiry had evidence that the witness was lying at this point; that he himself participated in the murder — RHW). Immediately I returned to the house (only two or three minutes having elapsed), and on entering the room where the execution took place, I saw all the members of the czar's family lying on the floor, having many wounds in their bodies. The blood was running in streams, the doctor, the maid and the waiters were also shot. When I entered, the heir was still alive and moaning. Iourovsky went up and fired two or three more times at him. The heir grew still …
After the assassination Iourovsky said to me that I was to bring some guardsmen to wash up the blood in the room … At three o'clock in the morning everything was in order. Then Iourovsky went to his room and I went to the guardroom.
I woke up at eight o'clock and went to the commandant's room. I met there the president of the district soviet, Beloborodoff (the figurehead president — RHW) and Commissar Goloshchekin and Ivan Starkoff … All the rooms in the house were in disorder … Suitcases and trunks were opened. Piles of gold and silver things were laid on the tables of the commandant's room. Objects of jewelry which were taken from the members of the czar's family just before the murder, were also there; as well as things that were on them after their death … I took also several silver rings and a few other trifles.
Answering the question as to where the bodies of the killed were taken … Ermakoff explained to me that the bodies were thrown down the shaft of a mine near the Verkh Issetsk works and after that the shaft was destroyed by bombs or explosives in order to fill it up.
One of the Russian soldiers, Philip Proskouriakoff, signed a sworn statement that he was called in immediately after the assassination to help scrub up the floors. He described the scene as he found it; and said Medvedoff told him immediately after the crime that Yurovsky had told the czar just before shooting him, “Your race must cease to live.”
Other witnesses gave other versions of Yurovsky's last words to the czar. Wilton reports: “Voikov, the Jew, boasted to his 'lady' friends in Ekaterinburg after the murder that 'the world will never know what we did with the bodies.'”
The bodies were so completely destroyed that the investigators found only fragments of them. But identification was positive. False teeth, crown jewels overlooked by the murderers and readily recognized personal possessions were found both outside and inside the mine shaft, with finger bones and other body fragments, and fragments of clothing.
Wilton's comments (early in his book) on the seat of power in the Red government are of special interest because Wilton had spent many years in Russia as a newspaper man, his business that of gathering information; and he had the benefit of the anti-Communist officials and ex-officials and agencies. He states:
As there was no apparent authority, the local bodies [soviets — RHW] often acted independently; indeed, Lenin encouraged this tendency. Vlast na mestakh (every place its own master) was his motto. Lenin did not rule; the Soviet system was governed by other people, the fellow-passengers who came with him under German auspices. Though he delivered impassioned harangues before the Sovnarkom and received deputations from minor soviets, the real power was elsewhere — in the Tsik and Chrezvychaika.
Mirbach [the agent of the German government in Moscow — RHW] received his daily report from the Chrezvychaika. He was murdered by two men who said they came from that office. Lenin had as little to do with his death as he had with the murders, a week later, of the ex-Tsar and his family. The Red Okhrana and the inner circle of the Tsik were the veritable authors of the crime of Ekaterinburg, and probably of Mirbach's assassination.
Nonentities, figureheads of the sovnarkom, do not interest us. We are concerned with great, if maleficent, personages in the Red world. Most of them are still unknown outside the ranks of the professional revolutionaries. A goodly proportion of the hundred Jews who came out of Germany with Lenin, and the hundreds who came from Chicago, deserve to be included in this gallery, for they … held Russia under their sway. To enumerate and describe them would require a small volume. I need sketch only those who act prominently in the drama of Ekaterinburg. The most important were Sverdlov, Safarov, Voikov and Goloshchekin, and the murderer-in-chief Yurovsky.
The names of Safarov and Voikov figure in the list of Lenin's fellow passengers [from Switzerland through Germany in 1917 — RHW). Both are very powerful Bolshevists, holding high places in the executive and police branches. Sverdlov is — I use the present tense because all these persons continue to wield their influence to the present day — the uncrowned Tsar of the Soviets. His authority is really much higher than that of Lenin or even Trotsky. He dominates the Tsik and his creatures rule the Chrezvychaika.
(Wilton evidently wrote the above paragraph a short time before Sverdlov's assassination and finished the manuscript after the assassination — RHW.)
The closest personal bonds had existed for many years between Goloshchekin and Sverdlov. They had been together in prison and exile. Goloshchekin ranked as an internationalist of the most pronounced type … He was bloodthirsty to an abnormal degree, even for a Red chieftain. People who knew him at Ekaterinburg described Goloshchekin as a homicidal sadist He never attended executions, but insisted upon hearing a detailed account of them. He huddled in bed shivering and quaking till the executioner came with his report, and would listen to his description of tortures: with a frenzy of joy, begging for further details, gloating over the expressions, gestures and death-throes of the victims as they passed before his diseased vision.
The origins of Yurovsky have been fully investigated. His parents and relatives — all poor Jews — remained in Siberia after the murderer and his chiefs and accomplices had fled from Ekaterinburg. He had been a watchmaker at Tomsk, scarcely able to make ends meet. Naturally ambitious, he despised the people around him. He was waiting for an opportunity. It came suddenly and mysteriously. Yurovsky disappeared. This was before the war. He is next heard of in Ekaterinburg as a photographic dealer. It leaked out that he had been to Berlin and became possessed of some capital. When war came he evaded service in the trenches by qualifying as a Red Cross assistant (feldsher) and remained in Ekaterinburg. When the Bolshevists seized the government, Yurovsky became one of the local agents of the new power.
Yankel (Jacob) Sverdlov, the Red Tsar … was despised and later killed by Russian workmen. There were upwards of seven million Jews in Russia at the time of the Bolshevik revolution, according to Jewish writers. There are today, in America, “a good two-thirds of all the Jews of the world,” according to one of their most eminent leaders — which means ten to twelve million.
Many of these Jews have found such wealth and freedom in America that they do not want Communism or any advanced system of Socialism. But others band themselves together in the most powerful smear and terrorist organizations that ever existed in any nation in history, evidently determined to rule or ruin.
How will they bring about the destruction of the benevolent republic, the nation of free men which is the last hope of this age?
We are not wise enough to foresee which of the several systems of potential Red “soviets” they will use — perhaps the labor union or the Anti-Defamation League locals or the “civil defense” police.
We must be on guard against all of them. And the only way to guard against them is to make enough people understand the origin and nature of the world revolution in which we of this generation are caught. This brief glimpse of the tragedy of Russia might help alert our people.
(The above article has been reprinted, with the author's permission, from the January 1957 issue of the Williams Intelligence Summary [Vol. 9, no. 2].)
Source: Reprinted from The Journal of Historical Review, vol. 10, no. 2, pp. 149-158.